Reference study · under Publications
The map of research centers on Syria
Before deciding where we stand, we studied who stands around us: thirteen Syrian, regional and international centers, each with its own file. This is the summary — every figure carries its source and date in the full report (forthcoming).
| Center | Founded and based | Its real strength | Its structural gap |
|---|---|---|---|
| Omran Center for Strategic Studies | 2013 · Turkey/Damascus | The deepest specialization in governance and local administration among the Syrian centers studied; about 25 researchers; a memorandum with Damascus University | Does not measure; funding undisclosed |
| Jusoor for Studies | 2016 · Istanbul/London | The fastest tempo among the Syrian centers studied, with its “situation assessment” product; a religious-movements unit | A small team; funding undisclosed; no wide survey |
| Arab Center for Contemporary Syrian Studies (formerly Harmoon) | 2016 · Doha/Damascus | A substantial research network; monthly monitoring reports; a comprehensive annual conference | Single-source funding; no polling of its own |
| Syrian Center for Policy Research | 2011 · Damascus until 2016, then Vienna | The most rigorous methodological model among the Syrian centers studied: the 2016 casualties report, the price index and poverty lines | Left the field in 2016; intermittent output |
| IDRAK for Studies and Consultations | 2014 · Aleppo | Independent survey studies and a media presence | No wide national survey; irregular output |
| National Institute of Public Administration | 2002 · Damascus | The official body for training and advising state cadres | No public-opinion measurement |
| Syria in Transition (poll) | 2025 · supported by the Clingendael Institute | Periodic waves with a transparent methodology, 900 respondents | Not nationally representative; three governorates |
| Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (Arab Opinion Index) | 2010 · Doha | The largest published periodic Arab opinion poll: 40,130 respondents in 15 countries; and the first wave with published methodology inside Syria (2025) | No published budget figure; irregular Syrian coverage |
| SETA (Turkey) | 2006 · Ankara | Proximity to decision-makers; a peer-reviewed journal; five offices | No barometer of its own; does not publish funding sources |
| RAND | 1948 · Santa Monica | The benchmark for methodologies: Delphi, decision games, analysis under uncertainty; a $514 million budget | Client concentration in government |
| Brookings | 1916 · Washington | A $538 million endowment; has disclosed its donors since 1983 | Funding and reputation crises despite transparency |
| Chatham House | 1920 · London | The closed-dialogue rule; 6,000 members; more than 300 events a year | High-fee membership |
| Heritage | 1973 · Washington | Began with nine staff; the “briefcase test”; the “Mandate for Leadership” | Ideologically partisan by its own declaration |
The assessment rests on official websites, think-tank directories and annual reports. Funding figures for most Syrian centers are not officially published, so we refrained from estimating them.
The gap we aspire to fill
Those close to Damascus do not measure
Omran and Jusoor are the centers closest to the policymaker — and their output is analysis, not polling.
Those who can measure nationally are far from it
The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (Arab Opinion Index) and the Syrian Center for Policy Research own the instrument — from Doha and Vienna.
The golden quadrant is vacant
Proximity to decision-making and the capacity to measure, together — nobody occupies it. The first national opinion poll inside Syria with a published methodology was announced from Doha, not Damascus (Arab Opinion Index, 2025). That is our place.